Anđela Pepić :

Povratak fabrike: priča iz Bosne

Procesi privatizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini postepeno su uništavali prava radnika i vlasništva. Ali ima priča nade i otpora koji se rađaju iz ove razbijene zemlje. Priča počinje da se mijenja i priča o radnicima postaje sve važnija. Klasni rascjepi prevazilaze one vjerske i etničke i etno-kapitalizam prvobitne akumulacije i privatizacije, političkog klijentelizma i korupcije pokazali su svoje granice. Niko ne može objasniti duh ove mini revolucije bolje od riječi jednog radnika “Dite”: “Industrija je živa sve dok ima radnika spremnih da se bore za svoje osnovno pravo – pravo na rad.”

08.09.2015.

Anđela Pepić :

Reclaiming the factory: a story from Bosnia

Privatisation processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina have gradually destroyed workers' rights and ownership. But there are stories of hope and resistance emerging from this battered country. The narrative begins to change and the story of workers is becoming more and more important. Class cleavages supersede religious and ethnic ones and the ethno-capitalism of primitive accumulation and privatisation, of political clientelism and corruption have shown their limits. No one can explain the spirit of this mini-revolution better than the words of a “Dita” worker: “Industry is alive as long as there are workers ready to fight for their basic right – the right to work”.

08.09.2015.

Procesi privatizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1990-ih pa dalje postepeno su prebacili vlasništvo i moć iz socijalističke države u ruke privatnih poduzetnika. Kao i svugdje u Evropi i svijetu, ovaj proces je, u većini slučajeva, pratio veliki broj otpuštanja s posla. Imovina firmi preplavila je tržište i kupovana je i prodavana po neobično niskoj cijeni, demontirajući ogromne fabrike i industrijske gigante bivše Jugoslavije.

Finansijalizacija/globalizacija ugradila se u Bosnu posebno uoči Dejtonskog sporazuma. Radnici, za koje se nekad smatralo da će postati vlasnici preduzeća preko noći su postali proleteri, lišeni temeljnih prava i svake forme vlasništva nad procesom proizvodnje. Događalo se ovo širom istočne i centralne Evrope, iako je slučaj jugoslovenskog socijalizma bio drukčiji, pošto su radnici, kroz sistem samoupravljanja, imali izravniju kontrolu nad sredstvima i objektima njihovih proizvodnih jedinica više nego igdje u takozvanim zemljama ‘stvarnog socijalizma’.

Raspad Jugoslavije i tranzicija u kapitalizam slobodnog tržišta takođe su bili drukčiji pošto su pokrenuli bizaran proces prvobitne etno-akumulacije, tj prvobitne akumulacije na bazi etnokratskih-konfliktnih linija. Bosna i Hercegovina je tipičan primjer. Među mnogim primjerima negativnih efekata procesa privatizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini, onaj koji je u protekle dvije godine bio u žiži medija, jeste slučaj fabrike deterdženata “Dita” iz Tuzle, industrijskog grada u centralnom dijelu sjeveroistočne Bosne. Fabrika je bila privatizirana u dva kruga (2001. i 2005) i postala dio trgovačkog lanca “Lora” iz Sarajeva, koja je imala većinu dionica. Privatizacija “Dite” donijela je više od 20 miliona eura duga firmi i preko 20 neisplaćenih plata, što je uticalo i na četverogodišnji plan penzionisanja.

Na kraju, ovo je dovelo do zvaničnog stečaja firme. Niz štrajkova radnika uslijedio je 2012, 2013. i 2014. Protesti u februaru 2014. počeli su kao zajednički protesti radnika nekoliko fabrika i preduzeća u Tuzli (Dita, Konjuh, Aida) zahtijevajući od vlade Tuzlanskog kantona da riješi goruća pitanja i prestane sa kriviti radnike. Radnici su tvrdili da je uzrok krize bio i jeste proces privatizacije i neodgovorno rukovodstvo. Ovi protesti pokrenuli su i šire socijalne proteste u nekoliko gradova u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Početkom 2015. vlada Tuzlanskog kantona odlučila je da revidira proces privatizacije nekoliko preduzeća, uključujući “Ditu”, počev od uredne procedure stečaja kako bi se omogućilo kreditorima da povrate novac, ujedno stvarajući mogućnosti za ponovno pokretanje i oživljavanje proizvodnje. Problem sa procedurom stečaja (prema postojećem pravnom okviru) je u tome da su radnici posljednji na listi prioriteta: prvo će biti isplaćeni “investitori” i birokartske agencije, a ono što ostane otići će na neisplaćene plate, penzije, itd.

Privatisation processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the 1990s onwards have gradually transferred ownership and power from the socialist state to private entrepreneurs. As elsewhere in Europe and the rest of the world, this process, in most cases, was accompanied by a large number of lay-offs. Company assets floated in the market and were bought and sold at unusually low prices, dismantling large factories and industrial giants of former Yugoslavia.

Financialisation/globalisation became embedded in Bosnia especially in the wake of the Dayton Accords. The workers, who were once deemed to be the owners of the enterprise, overnight became proletarians, deprived of fundamental rights and any form of possession over the production process. This was pretty much the case across the entire East-Central Europe, although the case of Yugoslav socialism was different, as the workers, through the self-management system, had had a much more direct control of the means and objects of their production units than anywhere else in the so-called countries of “really-existing socialism”.

Yugoslavia’s dissolution and transition to free market capitalism was also different in that it set in motion a bizarre process of primitive ethno-accumulation, i.e. primitive accumulation on the basis of ethnocratic-conflictual lines. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a typical example.

Among the many examples of the negative effects of privatisation processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, one that was under the media spotlight in the past two years, is the case of “Dita” detergents factory from Tuzla, an industrial city in the central part of North-East Bosnia. The factory was privatised in two rounds (2001 and 2005) and become part of retail chain, “Lora”, from Sarajevo, who owned the majority of shares. The privatisation of “Dita” resulted in more than 20 million Euros in debt for the enterprise and over 20 wages being unpaid, affecting a four-year retirement plan, also due.

In the end, this led to the official bankruptcy of the enterprise. A series of workers’ strikes ensued in 2012, 2013 and 2014. The 2014 February protests started as joint protests of workers from several factories and enterprises in Tuzla (Dita, Konjuh, Aida) requesting the government of the Tuzla Canton to resolve the outstanding issues and waive the blame attributed to workers. The workers claimed that the cause of the crisis was and is the privatisation process and irresponsible management. These protests turned out to be the trigger for wider social protests in several cities in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In early 2015, the Tuzla Canton government decided to revise the privatisation process of several enterprises, including “Dita”, starting an orderly bankruptcy procedure in view of enabling the creditors to get their money back while creating possibilities for re-launching and reviving production. The problem with the bankruptcy procedure (according to the existing legal framework) is that the workers are the last in the list of priorities: the “investors” and bureaucratic agencies will have to be paid first, and whatever is left over would go to the unpaid wages, pensions etc.

Iskra nade za same radnike je njihov napor da ponovo pokrenu proizvodnju i pokušaju spasiti ono što se može spasiti kako bi zadržali radna mjesta i eventualno dobili neisplaćene plate. U junu 2015. sindikat radnika “Dite” i stečajni upravnik postigli su dogovor da ponovo pokrenu dio proizvodnih linija (pošto veliki dio proizvodnih linija zahtijeva popravku a za što nema raspoloživog novca). Plan je započeti s proizvodnjom nekih poznatih (u bivšoj Jugoslaviji) proizvoda a podršku ovoj inicijativi dali su akteri civilnog društva i stanovništvo u cijeloj zemlji (uglavnom podrškom na Facebooku i pozivima na kupovinu “Ditinih” proizvoda). Neki trgovački lanci već su odlučili da podrže napore radnika “Dite” kupovinom njihovih proizvoda, učinivši ih dostupnim na njihovim policama. Međutim, ovo sve je samo probna verzija aktivnosti koje treba testirati i svaku formu nastavka treba da odobri skupština dioničara koja će se održati 30. juna 2015.

Hoće li ovi napori zaživjeti ili brzo nestati? Da li ovo znači da se duh radničkog samoupljavljanja vraća u naprednim i zrelim post-socijalističkim bojama, što je simbolično u Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je etnički najviše podijeljen region u bivšoj Jugoslaviji u kojoj je prvobitna akumulacija bila isprepletena sa užasima etničkog rata?

Godinama se nisu čuli njihovi glasovi i izgleda da sada borba da se fabrike vrate u kolektivno vlasništvo daje plodove. Ove borbe razotkrile su koruptivne vlasti i menadžere i iznijele u prvi plan pitanje klase nasuprot etničkoj i vjerskoj podjeli koja, ako ništa drugo, odvraća pažnju od stvarnih socijalnih pitanja.

I prije 2014. bilo je brojnih slučajeva povrede prava radnika na koje se gledalo samo kao na nus proizvod “tranzicije” i “poslijeratne Bosne i Hercegovine”, što se uglavnom odnosilo na etničke, vjerske i političke podjele. Poslije protesta u februaru 2014. ovo više nije slučaj.

Priča počinje da se mijenja i priča o radnicima postaje sve važnija. Klasni rascjepi prevazilaze one vjerske i etničke i etno-kapitalizam prvobitne akumulacije i privatizacije, političkog klijentelizma i korupcije pokazali su svoje granice. Niko ne može objasniti duh ove mini revolucije bolje od riječi jednog radnika “Dite”: “Industrija je živa sve dok ima radnika spremnih da se bore za svoje osnovno pravo – pravo na rad.”

A sparkle of hope for the workers themselves is actually their own efforts for restarting production and trying to save what is possible to be saved in order to keep their jobs and eventually have their salaries paid. In June 2015, the Union of Workers of “Dita”, and the bankruptcy manager, reached an agreement to restart some of the production lines (since much of the production lines are in need of repairs for which there is no money available).

The plan is to start with production of some famous (in former Yugoslavia) products and support for this initiative is enlisted by civil society actors and people across the country (mainly expressed through support on Facebook and calls for support for purchasing “Dita” products). Some of the supermarket chains have already decided to support the efforts of “Dita” workers by buying their products and making them available on their stores’ shelves. However, this all is just a trial version of activities to be tested and any form of continuity has to be decided by the shareholders’ assembly to be held on 30 June 2015.

Will these efforts take root or quickly fade away? Does this mean that the spirit of the workers’ self-management is coming back in advanced and mature post-socialist colours, emblematically in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the most ethnically fragmented region of the former Yugoslavia in which primitive accumulation was criss-crossed with vicious ethnic war?

After years of their voices being unheard, struggles to keep the factory under collective ownership seem to bear some fruits. These struggles exposed corrupt governments and managers and brought to the fore the class issue as opposed to the ethnic and religious division which, if anything, divert attention from the real social issues.

Prior to 2014, there were numerous cases of workers’ rights violations that were only seen as a by-product of “transition“ and “post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina”, which were mostly related to ethnic, religious and political divisions. This is no longer the case after the protests of February 2014.

The narrative begins to change and the story of workers is becoming more and more important. Class cleavages supersede religious and ethnic ones and the ethno-capitalism of primitive accumulation and privatisation, of political clientelism and corruption have shown their limits. No one can explain the spirit of this mini-revolution better than the words of a “Dita” worker: “Industry is alive as long as there are workers ready to fight for their basic right – the right to work”.

Anđela Pepić radi na Univerzitetu Banjaluka, na Fakultetu političkih nauka – Institut za socijalna istraživanja, u Republici Srpskoj. U periodu 2008-2013. radila je kao koordinator za Bosnu i Hercegovinu u okviru Promotivnog programa za regionalno istraživanje na Zapadnom Balkanu (RRPP) u Centru za ljudska prava na Univerzitetu Sarajevo. Magistrirala je na Univerzitetu u Sarajevu, na Školi ekonomije i biznisa.. Njen istraživački fokus je na tržištu rada i korporativnoj (društvenoj) odgovornosti.

Andjela Pepic works at the University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Political Sciences - Institute for Social Research, Republic of Srpska, Bosnia. In 2008-2013 she worked as coordinator for Bosnia and Herzegovina within the Regional Research Promotion Program in the Western Balkans (RRPP) at the Human Rights Centre of the University of Sarajevo. She holds an MA from the School of Economics and Business, University of Sarajevo. Her research focus is on labour markets and corporate (social) responsibility.

Tekst je prvobitno objavljen na Open Democracy portalu (15.06.2015.)

Prevod: Dijalog BiH2.0

This article was originally published on Open Democracy portal (15.06.2015).

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