1. Prvo želim da kažem da mi je drago što sam ponovo u Bosni i Hercegovini nakon odsustva od par godina i da se zahvalim organizatorima i Američkoj ambasadi što mi je to omogućeno.

2. Takođe mi je drago čuti istinsko oduševljenje koje Bosanci iskazuju za reformsku agendu koju promovišu EU, Svjetska banka i MMF.

3. Ništa što kažem ne treba uzeti kao primjedbu da oni ne rade pravu stvar. Oni rade.

4. Ali ne očekujem da će to biti dovoljno.

5. Bosna stoji na političkoj ekonomiji koja ograničava političku konkurentnost, posebno preko etničkih linija i obogaćuje ne državu nego svakog onog ko kontrolira njen složeni aparat na raznim nivoima kroz političke stranke u kojima je nepotizam pravilo a ne izuzetak.

6. Ne vjerujem da je država ta koja može efikasno da vlada i u skladu sa evropskim standardima, te je prije ili kasnije neophodno sprovesti šire političke reforme.

7. Da pojasnim: šta god da se uradi to treba uraditi uz i sa Bosancima. Ne očekujem da međunarodna zajednica može učiniti nešto više osim podržati one koji su zainteresirani za stvaranje efikasnije i funkcionalnije vlasti.

8. Dozvolite da kažem kako bih razmišljao da sam ja Bosanac. Ustvari, većinu onog što ću reći besramno prepisujem od Srđana Blagovčanina i Borisa Divjaka, čiji je dokument o bosanskoj političkoj ekonomiji objavio Centar za transatlanstke odnose a koji zdušno preporučujem.

9. Mislio bih da ne postoji srebrni metak: niti jedna stvar koja može zaliječiti sve boljke političke ekonomije u Bosni i Hercegovini.

10. Stoga ću razmišljati kako da pokušam nekoliko stvari i vidim da li se mogu uplesti u koherentnu strategiju.

11. Prvo, razmislio bih o gradnji tijela protiv korupcije i u korist odgovornosti, onog koji bi zahtijevao unutrašnju demokratiju u političkim strankama, očuvanje otvorene liste izbornog sistema, izborno tijelo od jednog člana i kraj političkog naimenovanja izvršnih organa u državnim preduzećima i privatizaciju i nabavku koji se provode striktno u skladu sa odredbama EU.

12. Drugo, pokušao bih da tražim od parlamenta da presječe crvenu traku, zaledi zapošljavanje u vladi i zatraži da državna preduzeća objave budžete i finansijske izvještaje.

13. Treće, nastojao bih ubijediti Evropljane da uvjetuju buduću pomoć o naimenovanju sudija samo na osnovu profesionalne stručnosti.

14. Četvrto, ohrabrio bih tužitelje da se fokusiraju na slučajeve korupcije na širokoj skali i vrhovima vlasti, uz zamrzavanje imovine i zabranama putovanja koje bi primijenili Evropljani i Amerikanci tamo gdje bude potrebno.

15. Peto, potaknuo bih otkrivanje prekršaja nevladinog sektora i medija zahtijevajući obustavu subvencija medijima, otvorenu konkurentnost za vladino oglašavanje i finansiranje civilnog društva i jačanje uloge ombudsmena, revizora i regulatornih agencija.

16. Šesto, postavljao bih teška pitanja o veličini i težini vladinih struktura u Bosni i Hercegovini, s ciljem razjašnjenja odgovornosti i uklanjanja brojnih duplih mjesta koliko je moguće. Centralna država mora da ima autoritet da pregovara i implementira zahtjeve za članstvo u EU. Po mom mišljenju, mehanizam koordiniranja između dva bosanska “entiteta” nije zamjena za pravu vlast na državnom nivou.

17. Napokon, mislim da nema izbjegavanja fundamentalne ustavne reforme. Da bi postala članica EU i NATO-a Bosna će tražiti pomjeranje od dejtonskog poretka grupnih prava do više zapadnog koncepta individualnih prava. Nema bijega od širih implikacija odluke Sejdić-Finci.

18. Kako se te stvari mogu postići? Vidjeli smo u Rumuniji šta motivirano građanstvo može postići u veoma kratakom vremenskom periodu.

19. Bosanci su manje skloni masovnijim uličnim demonstracijama, ali ako političari ne čuju glasače, bilo na ulicama ili na izborima, nije nemoguće da rizikuju Sanaderovu sudbinu.

20. Reformska agenda je dobar početak. Ali to nije kraj.

Tokom jednodnevne konferencije čuo sam nekoliko ideja od drugih. Na primjer:

- Javna saslušavanja o kandidatima za važne pozicije u vladi kako bi se naglasila vrijednost a ne klijentelizam

- Procjene efikasnosti pravosuđa, bilo od strane organizacija civilnog društva ili parlamenta

- Intenzivno glasačko obrazovanje

- Obavezno elektronsko glasanje

- Nezavisniji sudski sistem koji je u stanju da donosi brže odluke

Pred kraj dana jedan Bosanac je naglasio velika poboljšanja od rata u dvije dimenzije: sloboda govora i poduzetnost. Prvo je jasno. Dodao bih i slobodu kretanja, koje je sada uspostavljeno u cijeloj zemlji (ili mi bar tako kažu Bosanci svih etničkih grupa). U drugo još sumnjam, ali se nadam da je tačno. Više mogućnosti u privatnom sektoru i manje fokusa na vladu može učiniti čuda da se popravi raspoloženje u Bosni u miru ali se još bori sa pitanjima koja su uzrokovala rat.

1. I want to say first how glad I am to be back in Bosnia and Herzegovina after being absent for a couple of years and to thank the organizers and the US embassy for making it possible.

2. I’m also delighted to hear the very real enthusiasm that Bosnians are expressing for the Reform Agenda promoted by the EU, the World Bank and the IMF.

3. Nothing I say should be taken to suggest that they are not doing the right thing. They are.

4. But I don’t expect it to be sufficient.

5. Bosnia runs on a political economy that limits political competition, especially across ethnic lines, and enriches not the state but whoever controls its elaborate apparatus at various levels through political parties in which cronyism is the rule rather than the exception.

6. I don’t believe that is a state that can govern effectively and in accordance with European standards, so sooner or later broader political reforms are going to be necessary.

7. Let me be clear: whatever is done will have to be done by and with Bosnians. I do not anticipate that the internationals can do anything more than support those who are interested in creating more effective and functional governance.

8. Let me tell you what I would be thinking about if I were a Bosnian. In fact, I am cribbing shamelessly most of what I am about to say from Srdjan Blagovcanin and Boris Divjak, whose paper on the Bosnian political economy published by the Center for Transatlantic Relations I recommend highly.

9. I would be thinking there is no silver bullet: no single thing that can fix all that ails the political economy in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

10. I would therefore be thinking about trying several things and seeing if they can’t be woven into a coherent strategy.

11. First, I would be thinking about building a constituency against corruption and in favor of accountability, one that would demand internal democracy in political parties, preservation of the open-list electoral system, single-member electoral constituencies, an end to political appointment of executives in state-owned enterprises and privatization and procurement conducted in strict accordance with EU rules.

12. Second, I would be trying to get parliament to cut red tape, freeze government hiring, and require state-owned enterprises to publish budgets and financial reports.

13. Third, I would be trying to convince the Europeans to condition future assistance on appointment of judges solely on the basis of professional qualifications.

14. Fourth, I would be encouraging prosecutors to focus on large-scale and high-level corruption cases, with asset freezes and travel bans implemented by the Europeans and Americans where need be.

15. Fifth, I would be encouraging nongovernmental and media exposure of malfeasance by requiring an end to media subsidies, open competition for government advertising and civil society funding, and strengthening of the role of ombudspeople, auditors and regulatory agencies.

16. Sixth, I would be asking hard questions about the size and weight of the government structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a view to clarifying responsibilities and eliminating as many duplicative bureaucracies as possible. The central state has to have the authority to negotiate and implement the requirements of EU membership. The coordination mechanism between the two Bosnian “entities” in my view is no substitute for proper authority at the state level.

17. Ultimately, I think there is no avoiding fundamental constitutional reform. In order to become a member of the EU and NATO, Bosnia will require a shift away from the Dayton order of group rights to a more Western concept of individual rights. There is no escaping the broad implications of the Sejdic Finci decision.

18. How can these things be accomplished? We’ve seen in Romania what a motivated citizenry can accomplish in a remarkably short period of time.

19. Bosnians are less inclined to large-scale street demonstrations, but unless the politicians hear directly and loudly from voters, either in the streets or at the polls, they are unlikely to risk Sanader’s fate.

20. The Reform Agenda is a good start. But it is not the end.

I heard quite a few ideas from others during the day-long conference. Here is a sample:

• Public hearings on nominees to important government positions in order to emphasize merit over clientalism

• Evaluations of the effectiveness of legislation, either by civil society organizations or a parliamentary body

• Intensive voter education

• Mandatory electronic voting

• A more independent judicial system capable of quicker decisions

Towards the end of the day, one Bosnian emphasized big improvements since the war on two dimensions: freedom of expression and entrepreneuralism. The former is clear. I would add freedom of movement, which is now well-established throughout the country (or so Bosnians of all ethnicities tell me). The latter I still have my doubts about, but I hope it is true. More opportunity in the private sector and less focus on government would do wonders to improve the mood in a Bosnia at peace but still struggling with the issues that caused the war.